Beijing prepares to tax the rich, takes ‘special management stakes’ in tech firms to strengthen societal control amid developing crises

     SinoInsight  1     

Businesses, investors, and China watchers who have been scrutinizing Xi Jinping’s 20th Party Congress work report are alarmed by what they believe is an effort by Xi to reimpose Mao-era economic and social controls in the PRC. Xi’s ideological focus aside, observers are concerned by his plans to promote “common prosperity.”

In his 20th Party Congress work report, Xi said that “the system of income distribution is the foundational system for promoting common prosperity.” He also called for “enhancing the roles of taxation, social security, and transfer payments in regulating income distribution,” “improving the personal income tax system and keeping income distribution and the means of accumulating wealth well-regulated,” and “protecting lawful income, adjusting excessing income, and prohibiting illicit income.” Some observers believe that Xi’s proposed “improvements” to the income distribution system signal a new round of crackdowns against “capitalist roaders,” or wealthy individuals and businesses.

Fears of Xi’s “income distribution system” were stoked recently after the contents of a tax industry seminar were circulated on Chinese social media on Nov. 6. The seminar said that the CCP is setting up a “high net worth individuals administration” (高淨值人群管理局) to launch special tax audits targeting those with 10 million yuan or more in their bank accounts. The seminar also said that the Golden Tax IV system will use artificial intelligence (AI) to collect information on each taxpayer and make corresponding big data blocks of “taxpayer portraits.” The Golden Tax IV system will also target those who are looking to evade taxes through migration; everyone who wants to leave China must first obtain a tax clearance certificate from the tax authorities.

Golden Tax is the PRC government’s tax collection and management system that was launched in the 1990s. The third phase of the system (Golden Tax III) integrated national and local tax data, as well as fully monitored the business taxation process. Golden Tax IV, the fourth phase of the system, is scheduled to be completed by the end of 2022 and will use AI, big data, and cloud technologies to more comprehensively monitor business activities and catch tax evaders. According to publicly available information, Golden Tax IV will target so-called “non-tax” services (i.e. people selling good or products on WeChat and other mobile payment apps but are not registered as a business), establish tax identification numbers for individuals, introduce tax evasion clauses for individuals, and make more “transparent” the income and assets of high net worth individuals.

High net worth individuals refer to those with investable assets of 10 million yuan and more, or $1 million and above. Aside from conventional entrepreneurs and corporate executives, online streamers, e-commerce influencers, internet celebrities, and other individuals with less conventional occupations have also become high net worth individuals in recent years. Currently, provincial and municipal tax authorities are responsible for making sure that high net worth individuals are properly taxed.

The CCP authorities have issued several policies and measures targeting high net worth individuals in the past two years. The authorities are also recruiting a large number of civil servants into the tax system. Noteworthy developments include:

March 2021: The CCP and State Council General Office issued an opinion on further deepening the reform of tax collection and administration (關於進一步深化稅收徵管改革的意見). The opinion requires the authorities to more precisely implement tax supervision, including increasing the frequency of spot checks on industries, regions, and groups with tax evasion problems. The opinion further called for construction of preventive systems to target tax evasion methods such as concealment of income, false reporting of costs, profit transfers, and the use of “tax depressions” such as “yin-yang contracts” and affiliated transactions. The authorities should also strengthen their tax supervision, inspection, and evasion prevention and control measures.

June 21, 2022: The State Council’s audit report on the central government budget and other fiscal revenues and expenditures in 2021 (國務院關於2021年度中央預算執行和其他財政收支的審計工作報告) found that 544 high-income individuals in 22 provinces and cities concealed their income and carried out other measures from 2018 to 2021 to avoid being 4.722 billion yuan in taxes. Also, the local authorities of 22 counties in 10 provinces were found to have illegally returned taxes to high-income individuals under the guise of “financial support funds” despite efforts by the central government to investigate and punish tax evasion.

July 25, 2022: The Supreme People’s Court issued an opinion on providing judicial services and protection for accelerating the construction of a “unified national market” (最高人民法院關於為加快建設全國統一大市場提供司法服務和保障的意見). The opinion markedly toughened the penalties for tax evasion using “yin-yang contracts” and tax evasion by high net worth individuals in the entertainment industry.

Sept. 22, 2022: The Hainan provincial tax authorities and market regulation administration jointly carried out a so-called “two random, one open” (雙隨機 一公開, or randomly selected law enforcement officials inspecting randomly selected targets, plus better inter-government agency communication and cooperation) inspection of those with high income and high net worth in the province. The authorities selected 50 random targets for a comprehensive audit that concluded on Oct. 9, 2022.

Oct. 24, 2022: The National Civil Service Administration published on its website an announcement about civil service examinations in 2023 (中央機關及其直屬機構2023年度考試錄用公務員公告). The announcement noted that the authorities plan to recruit 37,100 civil servants in 2023, an 18.7 percent increase from a year ago. Of the 37,100 new recruits, 25,000 are slated to join the tax system (an increase of 19.9 percent year-on-year), or 67.3 percent of total recruits; this is compared with 64 percent for 2022.

OUR TAKE
1. Xi Jinping’s taxation plan is part of the CCP’s ideologically-driven, long-term effort to establish a techno-totalitarian regime and consolidate its stranglehold on Chinese society. The Golden Tax system and its latest AI and big data-powered fourth phase appear to be the tax-specific counterpart to the “Golden Shield” project (the “Great Firewall of China” is under this) used by the public security system to carry out high-tech surveillance, “stability maintenance,” and censorship work. And like Golden Shield, Golden Tax was first established under former Party boss Jiang Zemin, whom many observers mistakenly believe to be “liberal” and “reform-minded” (particularly in comparison to Xi).

As we wrote previously, “The notion that there are ‘moderates’ or ‘reformers’ in the CCP elite is a misnomer since Party leaders differ only in their chosen approach to actualizing the Marxist-Leninist regime’s ultimate goal of world domination, as well as in their personal circumstances in the factional struggle. So-called ‘liberal’ and ‘moderate’ Party leaders like Deng and Jiang never untethered themselves from communist ideology and also worked to advance the Party’s domination agenda, albeit through the strategy of ‘hiding strength, biding time’ (韜光養晦). The ‘moderate collective leadership’ of yesteryears created the ‘Great Firewall of China’ that bifurcated the global internet; began the PRC’s military build-up; used the pretext of the 2009 Urumqi riots to start the persecution campaign against Uyghur Muslims; forcibly harvested the organs of Falun Gong practitioners and other prisoners of conscience; perpetuated the persecution of Tibetan Buddhists, House Christians, and other religious believers; and more pertinently for today, covered up the spread of the SARS coronavirus in 2003 and commenced coronavirus research that may have culminated in the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic (assuming the ‘lab leak’ theory is the more probable explanation for the COVID outbreak).”

We also noted that “Xi is a symptom, and not an aberration, of the Party system. Because the CCP’s cutthroat political culture does not lend itself to change, Xi’s successors, far from ‘reforming’ the Party, could ultimately prove to be just as willing—if not politically obliged—to continue in the same pernicious cycle of expanding regime power and human rights abuse.”

Businesses, investors, and governments are increasingly recognizing the CCP regime for what it is and accounting for its ideological nature in assessing the PRC and the political risks of doing business in and with China. This phenomenon will in turn heighten political risks in the mainland and for Beijing.

2. Xi stepping up the CCP’s techno-totalitarian approach to taxation is a double-edged sword and increases his and the regime’s vulnerabilities.

On the one hand, the completion and roll out of Golden Tax IV allows Xi to further centralize control and more effectively carry out his “self-revolution” campaign to save the regime. Xi will be able to better take his efforts to clean up the financial sector into “deep water territory” and oust corrupt individuals or groups (especially those linked with his factional rivals) who attempt to evade paying taxes. Beijing would also be able to better restrict outflows, keep the wealthy elites honest and make it hard for them to leave the country, and reduce the threat of capital to the CCP regime. Further, the Xi leadership would be to secure more taxation revenue to replenish the government’s depleted coffers and tide the regime through increasingly tough times. Finally, Xi can use the Golden Tax IV system to keep his remaining political rivals, would-be opponents, rank-and-file officials, and the wealthy Chinese elite in check; those considering standing up to Xi will be forced to think twice lest they are tripped up on “tax evasion” charges (whether genuine or trumped up), and more officials will have “incentive” to be loyal to Xi or face the tax man.

On the flipside, Xi Jinping risks further alienating virtually everyone in China—Party elites, rank-and-file officials, wealthy elites, entertainers, e-commerce influencers, and taxpaying commoners who are struggling to find alternative means of earning a living. Fear of Xi and an intrusive high-tech taxation system, as well as greater anger towards Beijing, will worsen social instability at the ground level and inspire an increasingly despairing elite to try desperate measures to resolve the “Xi Jinping problem.” Meanwhile, the wealthy elites could step up their exodus from China before the Xi leadership has a chance to more fully put in place Golden Tax IV and even after.

3. Beijing’s attempt to tax high net worth individuals is yet another indirect sign that the CCP authorities are seeing severe financial shortages. While the Xi leadership may be able to recover some much-needed funds through taxing the rich, it risks killing the goose that lays the golden egg in the name of income redistribution and “common prosperity.” High net worth individuals have vested interests in defending the CCP regime that allowed them to make their wealth, but could quickly be disinclined to support the regime (including by voting with their feet) when the Party increasingly sacrifices their interests. There are numerous examples in Chinese imperial history of the court taxing the elites to preserve the dynasty, only for the court to lose the support of the elites and hasten the end of the dynasty.

According to the 2021 Hurun Report on high net worth individuals and families in China, there are:

  • 2.02 million “high net worth families” with net assets of 10 million yuan;
  • 130,000 “ultra high net worth families” with net assets of 100 million yuan;
  • 77,000 “ultra high net worth families” with investable assets of 100 million yuan;
  • 54,000 “international ultra high net worth families” with investable assets of $30 million.

Many wealthy Chinese tend to have permanent residency abroad and are prone to migrating. Beijing’s “special tax audit” and other measures to ensure that the rich pay their “fair share” of taxes will only exacerbate the exodus of wealthy Chinese leaving the mainland and capital flight.

4. Economic activity in China could be further curbed as businesses and funds come under greater scrutiny with the Golden Tax IV system. More people could also prefer to cut down on electronic payments in favor of cash. As the cash holdings of individuals increase, banks could see reduced liquidity and credit capacity. The CCP’s rollout of the digital renminbi could also take a hit.

Meanwhile, businesses that rely on tax evasion to maintain meager profit margins could be forced to declare bankruptcy and shut down as the high-tech Golden Tax IV system and tougher laws make dodging taxes nearly impossible. This phenomenon will frighten way foreign investors and convince even more high net worth individuals to withdraw from China.

 

     SinoInsight  2     

Xi Jinping’s emphasis on Marxist theory and call to “strengthen the overall leadership of the Party” at the 20th Party Congress left many China-watchers and investors deeply suspicious that he is looking to re-establish a planned economy and social controls that are reminiscent of the Mao-era or worse.After the 20th Party Congress, efforts by the CCP authorities to control private media companies and the Chinese internet appear to confirm and deepen many suspicions and have stirred heated discussion among observers of China.

Oct. 26
Tianyancha, a mainland company information provider, listed that the state-owned Beijing Radio & Television Station took a 1 percent stake in the short video-sharing mobile app Kuaishou, according to mainland media reports.

Mainland media also noted that WangTouZhongWen (Beijing) Technology, a company that is owned by three PRC state entities (including a fund backed by the Cyberspace Administration of China), previously took a 1 percent stake in ByteDance on April 30, 2021. Further, mainland media reported that the 1 percent stake in ByteDance and Kuaishou that is held by government-linked entities is a “special management share” that comes with one board seat and one veto vote.

Background: The CCP has been making inroads into controlling private media companies since the start of Xi’s first term. Notable moves include:

November 2013: The communiqué of the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee (中共中央關於全面深化改革若干重大問題的決定) called for “promoting the transformation of state-owned commercial cultural work units” and “exploring the implementation of a special management stock system for important state-owned media enterprises” under “establishing and improving a modern cultural market system.”

May 2016: The CCP authorities began getting Chinese internet companies to grant “special management shares” to state-owned capital. On May 16, the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film, and Television (now National Radio and Television Administration) held a “briefing session” with the heads of several private Chinese video companies like Tencent Video, iQiyi, and Youku Tudou to get those companies to sell “special management shares” of 1 percent or more to state-owned capital. State-owned capital with those stakes are allowed to have board members and review rights in those companies. According to information circulating at the time, the shareholders of the “special management shares” would complete an agreement of intent before June 10 that year.

January 2017: The CCP and State Council General Office issued an opinion on “promoting the healthy and orderly development of the mobile internet” (關於促進移動互聯網健康有序發展的意見) that called for the piloting of “special activities” to be carried out in the fields of internet news information services, online publishing services, and information network dissemination of audio-visual program services. Four months later, the Cyberspace Administration of China issued regulations on the administration of internet news information services stating that qualified internet news information service provinces must implement a “special management share” system.

June 3, 2022: David Li Daokui, an economist and former People’s Bank of China adviser, told the UOB Private Bank forum via video link that Ant Group’s IPO process “caused a lot of political influence, involving the selection of party secretaries in some cities, and that made the top leaders worry.” He added that “the political influence of internet companies is now nil” and the concerns of senior officials have been dispelled.

Li also said that China’s tech sector regulatory storm has ended and that restoring investor confidence would be the focus of future policies. He added that the value of Chinese tech companies will be re-evaluated.

June 6, 2022: The Wall Street Journal reported that Didi Global, logistics platform Full Truck Alliance, and online recruitment company Kanzhuan are expected to offer 1 percent equity stakes to the state and give the PRC authorities a direct role in corporate decisions.

Oct. 27
The State Administration for Market Regulation issued on its website a list of companies that were allowed to go “unconditionally approved operation concentration” from Oct. 17 to Oct. 23, 2022. Among the companies include the state-owned China Unicom Innovation Venture Capital Co. and Shenzhen Tencent Industrial Venture Capital Co., whose “unconditionally approved operation concentration was approved on Oct. 18.

Nov. 1
JD Technology, the fintech unit of Chinese e-commerce giant JD.com, signed a strategic cooperation agreement with the state-owned China Mobile Communications Group Shanghai Co. at the 2022 JD Technology Partner Forum in Shanghai. The two parties agreed to carry out “innovative cooperation” in the fields of platform-based smart cities, digital government, data center/cloud computing/big data, communications and international business, and smart home services.

Nov. 2
Some mainland media outlets reported that Alibaba and the state-owned China Telecom signed a “strategic cooperation agreement” to work together in building platform-based smart cities, digital government, and other fields. Subsequently, China Telecom issued a statement dismissing the reports as a “rumor,” and added that China Telecom Group has signed a “comprehensive strategic cooperation agreement” with Alibaba in Beijing as early as May 2017.

OUR TAKE
1. Contrary to popular perception, the Xi leadership is not in the process of rolling out a planned economy by getting state-owned companies to take “special management shares” in private technology companies. Those “special management shares” are more akin in function to so-called “mixed-ownership reform” or the establishment of Party organizations in private enterprises, that is, they grant the CCP a way to step into the affairs of private companies when needed. Through special stakes in private companies, Beijing can block companies from taking actions that run counter to the regime’s interests, or get companies to promote specific Party agenda (propaganda, establishing the infrastructure of techno-totalitarian “smart” cities, etc.); this is different from the state completely taking over the running of those enterprises in a planned economy.The CCP has learned its lesson about planned economies and the premature adoption of communism after the failure of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Even if Xi Jinping is a so-called “true believer” in Marxism (we have our reservations; Xi is more of a CCP “idealist”), he is unlikely to embark on a project to realize the “communist utopia” in China while the regime is currently beset by existential internal and external crises. The fastest way for the Party to lose its legitimacy is to revert the regime back to a planned economy, and Xi is unlikely to be so misguided as to attempt that at this time.The CCP has also been working on being able to influence Chinese tech companies and rein them in since at least the Third Plenum of the 18th Party Congress in 2013. There are many reasons for this.

First, the CCP is wary that private capital, especially tech companies, could one day accumulate enough money and resources to become serious political challengers in the PRC. By taking a “special management stake” in those companies, the CCP is making sure that it still has a hold on the “commanding heights of the economy” without transforming thriving private businesses into state-owned “zombie” enterprises.

Second, the CCP usually seeks to expand its control over society when it feels threatened so that the regime can recoup its strength to expand its influence and power later on.

Third, the CCP wants “strategic cooperation” with media and tech companies to facilitate its rollout of “refined” propaganda and “smart” technologies to better control the masses, as well as strengthen the regime’s ruling and governance capabilities.

Fourth, Xi Jinping needs a way to prevent his factional rivals from undermining his leadership. We previously looked at Jiang faction links in the cases of Jack Ma’s Ant Group IPO and Didi’s IPO in New York. Through “special management shares,” the Xi leadership would be in a better position to prevent the “disorderly expansion of capital” in key sectors, as well as have a firmer grip on data information security and national security (in the case of Chinese tech companies being forced to hand over potentially sensitive information as part of foreign listing requirements). Xi’s rivals would also find it harder to profit from big IPOs or leverage their influence in sabotaging Beijing’s interests.

2. Xi might not want to immediately or directly bring back the planned economy and Mao-era “private-public joint ventures” (公私合營). But that does not mean that investing in China is less risky or advisable. On the contrary, the CCP’s improvement of its techno-totalitarian control over society and Xi’s efforts to keep the Party elite and wealthy Chinese in check will heighten political risks in China as the interests of influential groups are hurt and social tensions approach boiling point. Also, Beijing’s attempts at “reform” and “opening up to outsiders” are undertaken with an eye on advancing the Party’s goals of survival and domination, and could be abruptly reversed or modified when the CCP no longer has the need for such “pragmatic” measures.

Businesses, investors, and governments must account for growing social and even political turmoil in the PRC as Xi consolidates his control over the regime and moves more openly against his remaining enemies.

“The breadth of SinoInsider’s insights—from economics through the military to governance, all underpinned by unparalleled reporting on the people in charge—is stunning. In my over fifty years of in-depth reading on the PRC, unclassified and classified, SinoInsider is in a class all by itself.”
James Newman, Former U.S. Navy cryptologist
“Unique insights are available frequently from the reports of Sinoinsider.”
Michael Pillsbury, Senior Fellow for China Strategy, The Heritage Foundation
“Thank you for your information and analysis. Very useful.”
Prof. Ravni Thakur, University of Delhi, India
“SinoInsider’s research has helped me with investing in or getting out of Chinese companies.”
Charles Nelson, Managing Director, Murdock Capital Partners
“I value SinoInsider because of its always brilliant articles touching on, to name just a few, CCP history, current trends, and factional politics. Its concise and incisive analysis — absent the cliches that dominate China policy discussions in DC and U.S. corporate boardrooms — also represents a major contribution to the history of our era by clearly defining the threat the CCP poses to American peace and prosperity and global stability. I am grateful to SinoInsider — long may it thrive!”
Lee Smith, Author and journalist
“Your publication insights tremendously help us complete our regular analysis on in-depth issues of major importance. ”
Ms. Nicoleta Buracinschi, Embassy of Romania to the People’s Republic of China
"I’m a very happy, satisfied subscriber to your service and all the deep information it provides to increase our understanding. SinoInsider is profoundly helping to alter the public landscape when it comes to the PRC."
James Newman, Former U.S. Navy cryptologist
“Prof. Ming’s information about the Sino-U.S. trade war is invaluable for us in Taiwan’s technology industry. Our company basically acted on Prof. Ming’s predictions and enlarged our scale and enriched our product lines. That allowed us to deal capably with larger orders from China in 2019. ”
Mr. Chiu, Realtek R&D Center
“I am following China’s growing involvement in the Middle East, seeking to gain a better understanding of China itself and the impact of domestic constraints on its foreign policy. I have found SinoInsider quite helpful in expanding my knowledge and enriching my understanding of the issues at stake.”
Ehud Yaari, Lafer International Fellow, The Washington Institute
“SinoInsider’s research on the CCP examines every detail in great depth and is a very valuable reference. Foreign researchers will find SinoInsider’s research helpful in understanding what is really going on with the CCP and China. ”
Baterdene, Researcher, The National Institute for Security Studies (Mongolian)
“The forecasts of Prof. Chu-cheng Ming and the SinoInsider team are an invaluable resource in guiding our news reporting direction and anticipating the next moves of the Chinese and Hong Kong governments.”
Chan Miu-ling, Radio Television Hong Kong China Team Deputy Leader
“SinoInsider always publishes interesting and provocative work on Chinese elite politics. It is very worthwhile to follow the work of SinoInsider to get their take on factional struggles in particular.”
Lee Jones, Reader in International Politics, Queen Mary University of London
“[SinoInsider has] been very useful in my class on American foreign policy because it contradicts the widely accepted argument that the U.S. should work cooperatively with China. And the whole point of the course is to expose students to conflicting approaches to contemporary major problems.”
Roy Licklider, Adjunct Professor of Political Science, Columbia University
“As a China-based journalist, SinoInsider is to me a very reliable source of information to understand deeply how the CCP works and learn more about the factional struggle and challenges that Xi Jinping may face. ”
Sebastien Ricci, AFP correspondent for China & Mongolia
“SinoInsider offers an interesting perspective on the Sino-U.S. trade war and North Korea. Their predictions are often accurate, which is definitely very helpful.”
Sebastien Ricci, AFP correspondent for China & Mongolia
“I have found SinoInsider to provide much greater depth and breadth of coverage with regard to developments in China. The subtlety of the descriptions of China's policy/political processes is absent from traditional media channels.”
John Lipsky, Peter G. Peterson Distinguished Scholar, Kissinger Center for Global Affairs
“My teaching at Cambridge and policy analysis for the UK audience have been informed by insights from your analyzes. ”
Dr Kun-Chin Lin, University Lecturer in Politics,
Deputy Director of the Centre for Geopolitics, Cambridge University
" SinoInsider's in-depth and nuanced analysis of Party dynamics is an excellent template to train future Sinologists with a clear understanding that what happens in the Party matters."
Stephen Nagy, Senior Associate Professor, International Christian University
“ I find Sinoinsider particularly helpful in instructing students about the complexities of Chinese politics and what elite competition means for the future of the US-China relationship.”
Howard Sanborn, Professor, Virginia Military Institute
“SinoInsider has been one of my most useful (and enjoyable) resources”
James Newman, Former U.S. Navy cryptologist
“Professor Ming and his team’s analyses of current affairs are very far-sighted and directionally accurate. In the present media environment where it is harder to distinguish between real and fake information, SinoInsider’s professional perspectives are much needed to make sense of a perilous and unpredictable world. ”
Liu Cheng-chuan, Professor Emeritus, National Chiayi University
“Since the 2019 Hong Kong anti-extradition movement, I have periodically engaged with articles from SinoInsider. SinoInsider’s insights have deepened my understanding of the Chinese Communist Party’s regime. These resources have been invaluable in navigating the opaque world of Chinese elite politics, significantly enhancing my commentary on my Hong Kong online radio program, HK Peanut.”
Andrew To Kwan-hang, former chairman of the League of Social Democrats and founder of HK Peanut