Analyzing Xi’s high-profile commemoration of Deng’s 120th birth anniversary

  1   Analyzing Xi’s high-profile commemoration of Deng’s 120th birth anniversary

Xi Jinping and the CCP carried out a series of activities around Aug. 22 to commemorate Deng Xiaoping’s 120th birthday anniversary.

  Xi’s speech remembering Deng

Aug. 22
The CCP Central Committee held a symposium at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing to commemorate the 120th birth anniversary of Deng Xiaoping. With the exception of premier Li Qiang, who was on a trip to Russia, all other top leaders were present. Also in attendance were leaders from relevant departments in Party Central, the military, and mass organizations; leaders from Beijing Municipality and Sichuan Province; leaders from the central committee of various democratic parties, the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce, and representatives of non-Party affiliated individuals; participants in the “National Academic Seminar Commemorating the 120th Anniversary of Deng Xiaoping’s Birth”; and Deng’s relatives, former members of his staff, and representatives from his hometown.

Xi Jinping delivered an over 6,100 character-long speech at the symposium, according to a communiqué by state mouthpiece Xinhua. In the opening of the speech, Xi reiterated the Party’s assessment of Deng’s political position, describing him as an “outstanding leader of high prestige acknowledged by the entire Party, military, and people of all ethnic groups across the country.” Xi also slightly improved Deng’s political position by granting him two more titles, namely, the “core” of the Party’s second generation of central leadership and a “great internationalist” who made significant contributions to world peace and development.

Xi summarized Deng’s contributions to the Party’s cause and the development of the CCP regime:

  • Before the CCP regime was established, Deng Xiaoping founded revolutionary bases, participated in the Long March and the Zunyi Conference, and took part in the War of Resistance Against Japan and the Chinese Civil War.
  • After the establishment of the CCP regime, Deng served as a central leader. Deng remained steadfast in his commitment to communism and socialism even when he was criticized during the Cultural Revolution.
  • After the Cultural Revolution, Deng opposed the erroneous view of the “Two Whatevers,” ended the line of class struggle and shifted the regime’s focus to economic construction, implemented “reform and opening up,” and achieved a “great historical turning point of profound significance in the Party’s history.”
  • Deng’s theories propelled a “new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism” and opened up a “new phase in the construction of socialist modernization.”
  • Deng established the “correct path of the complete reunification of the motherland.”
  • Deng defended the “socialist banner” and ensured the stability of the “red regime” (紅色江山).

Xi then hailed Deng Xiaoping Theory as an “important milestone in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism” and called for deepening the study and application of Deng Theory in “the new era and on the new journey.” For example:

  • The Party’s basic line must be adhered to for 100 years. (The basic line of the CCP during the primary stage of socialism is to lead and unite people of all ethnic groups across the country with economic development as the central task, uphold the Four Cardinal Principles [adhere to the socialist path, adhere to the people’s democratic dictatorship, adhere to the leadership of the CCP, and adhere to Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought], adhere to reform and opening up, self-reliance, and working hard to build China into a prosperous, democratic, civilized, harmonious, and beautiful modern socialist country.)
  • Deepening Party and state leadership system reform is meant to better demonstrate the advantages of the socialist system, as well as strengthen and improve the Party’s leadership.
  • Democratic centralism should promote intra-Party democracy and people’s democracy. Concurrently, there must be proper centralization, the whole Party must have a core, and Party Central must have “quan wei” (authority and prestige).
  • Both (central) planning and the market are economic tools. They can both be utilized as long as they contribute to the development of productive forces.
  • Encouraging some people to become wealthy first should ultimately lead to common prosperity for all.
  • It is essential to properly manage the relationship between reform, development, and stability, with stability being paramount.
  • One hand must focus on reform and opening on the one hand, and the other hand must focus on combating corruption.

Xi said it is crucial to at all times closely integrate theory with reality, creatively study and apply Deng Xiaoping Theory, and be adept at accurately grasping the essence and substance of theory in response to changing circumstances to solve real-world problems.

Xi further said that the best way to commemorate Comrade Deng is to continue advancing the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This includes:

  • Further deepening comprehensive reforms and thoroughly implementing the spirit of the 20th Party Congress and the Third Plenum of the 20th Central Committee.
  • Fully promoting Chinese-style modernization.
  • Promoting common prosperity.
  • Advancing high-level opening up to the world, as well as safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests.
  • Promoting comprehensive and strict governance of the Party.

Xi also emphasized the need to uphold the Party’s absolute leadership over the People’s Liberation Army, achieve complete national reunification by opposing “Taiwan independence,” and promote initiatives like building a community with a shared future for mankind. He said, “The times are constantly advancing and our cause is continuously developing. Theoretical innovation and practical innovation must never stop.”

Finally, Xi cited two quotes by Deng and noted that the goal of “basically achieving modernization” is only a little more than 10 years away, and the goal of “fully building a modern socialist country” is just over twenty years away. Xi also urged everyone to “hold high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics” and “write a magnificent chapter in the comprehensive advancement of national strength and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-style modernization.” (The two Deng quotes are 1) “If we basically achieve modernization by the middle of the next century, then we can further assert the success of socialism 2) “If we can approach the level of the world’s developed countries by the middle of next century, that will be a significant change. By then, the weight and role of socialist China will be different, and we will be able to make greater contributions to humankind.”)

Politburo Standing Committee member Cai Qi presided over the symposium and hailed Xi’s speech for being “highly political, ideological, and instructive, with significant importance for guiding our Party in adhering to and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics under the conditions of the new era.” Central Institute of Party History and Literature president Qu Qingshan, Central Military Commission member and Political Work Department director Miao Hua, and Sichuan Party secretary Wang Xiaohui also each delivered a speech at the symposium.

  CCP propaganda

Aug. 19
The PLA Daily reported that Beijing held a theoretical seminar for the entire military to commemorate Deng Xiaoping’s 120th birth anniversary. CMC Political Work Department director Miao Hua attended the seminar and delivered a speech.

Miao said Deng’s thoughts on military construction in the new era contain important theoretical contributions and have contemporary value. He added that Deng’s thoughts enrich and develop the fundamental principles and systems of the Party’s absolute leadership over the military.

Miao further emphasized that on the “new journey,” it is crucial to deeply comprehend Xi Jinping’s “Two Establishes,” socialism with Chinese characteristics for the new era, and thoughts on a “strong military.”

Aug. 21
The state-run Study Times ran in its fifth edition an article by Niu Xianfeng, dean of the Marxism Institute at the Central Party School, titled, “Emancipating the Mind is a Major Political Issue — Reading Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Emancipate the Mind, Seek Truth from Facts, and Unite as One to Move Forward’” (思想是個重大政治議題 — 讀鄧小平 ‘解放思想,實事求是,團結一致向前看’).

Notable points in the article include:

  • Emancipating the mind is necessary for continuously advancing the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism. The “two integrations” (integrating the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific reality, and integrating Marxism with China’s fine traditional culture) are themselves acts of emancipating the mind.
  • Emancipating the mind is necessary for further deepening comprehensive reform. To fully deepen reform, it is essential to break through the barriers of outdated concepts and overcome the obstacles of entrenched interests.
  • Emancipating the mind is necessary to overcome risks and respond to challenges.
  • Emancipating the mind is necessary to open up new work prospects and create a new development pattern.

Aug. 22
The state-run Beijing Youth Daily published a four-page special report titled, “Sailing Forward on the New Journey of Reform and Opening Up” (將改革開放進行到底新征程揚帆起航).

The article said development is “endless,” reform has “no final period,” and called for closer unity around “Party Central with Comrade Xi Jinping at the core and unwavering commitment to the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.”

Aug. 22 to Aug. 24
Beijing held a national academic seminar to commemorate Deng’s 120th birth anniversary. Politburo Standing Committee member Cai Qi attended the seminar’s opening ceremony and delivered a speech.

Cai said that in deepening the study of Deng’s theories, it is essential to firmly grasp the highest political principle of upholding the Party’s comprehensive leadership. In particular, this means upholding Party Central’s centralized and unified leadership, as well as “deeply comprehending” Xi Jinping’s political theories.

  Deng commemoration propaganda backdrop

The Central Propaganda Department issued a notice earlier in the year calling for the submission of papers from the national education system for a national academic seminar commemorating Deng Xiaoping’s 120th birth anniversary.

The requirements for papers specified that they must adhere to the correct political direction and be integrated with the study and implementation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and the spirit of the 20th Party Congress. The papers should also explore the relationship between Deng Xiaoping Theory and Mao Zedong Thought, the important thought of the “three represents,” the “scientific outlook on development,” and Xi Jinping Thought, highlighting how these ideologies are consistent with each other and evolve with the times.

  Big picture

Political rumors about Xi Jinping’s health and “trouble” in Zhongnanhai have been swirling incessantly, leaving observers questioning the stability of Xi political position.

  Our take

1. Xi Jinping’s Aug. 22 speech and other propaganda material issued to mark the 120th anniversary of the birth of Deng Xiaoping appear to be aimed at repackaging and reinterpreting Deng’s political achievements and theories to validate Xi’s political theories. This move is intended to strengthen the legitimacy of Xi’s paramount leadership (定於一尊) and strongman rule, as well as an attempt to curb resistance towards Xi.

Some examples include:

  • Xi praising Deng’s adherence to the Party’s basic line, his efforts to strengthen and improve the Party’s leadership, his defense of the “socialist banner” and stability of the “red regime,” his idea that the “whole Party must have a core, and Party Central must have ‘quan wei,’” and his notion of stability being paramount are all likely intended to furnish theoretical support for Xi’s ongoing efforts to strengthen control over Chinese society and the CCP regime.
  • Xi lauding Deng for viewing central planning and the market as economic tools that can be utilized to “contribute to the development of productive forces” provides justification for the Xi leadership to promote “the state advances while the private sector retreats” (國進民退) and other socialist policies over economic liberalization when deemed necessary since it does not matter which are used to drive development.
  • Xi citing Deng’s call to focus on “reform and opening up” on the one hand and combating corruption on the other lends the Xi leadership legitimacy to pursue “self-revolution” and the strict governance of the Party. Xi picking this quote from Deng is also likely meant to refute Xi’s critics, who are fond of cite Deng or finding instances of people who cite Deng (e.g. Li Keqiang saying that “the Yangtze River and Yellow River will not flow backward”) to indirectly condemn Xi for engaging in political regression and authoritarianism, especially through the anti-corruption campaign.
  • Xi’s speech and state media articles attempt to repackage and reinterpret what Deng stood for to be consistent with Xi’s political theories as a means to boost the latter’s legitimacy and “quan wei.” For example, Xi’s speech and state media noted that the best way to commemorate Deng is to advance the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics; Deng Xiaoping Theory is an evolution of Marxism and Xi Jinping Thought is likewise a development of Marxism; and Deng’s “emancipating the mind” includes accepting Xi’s political theories like “further deepening comprehensive reform.”

2. The narrative about Deng Xiaoping being espoused by Xi Jinping and state media is largely consistent, and reflects months of planning and coordination by the central propaganda apparatus. In particular, propaganda used to commemorate Deng’s 120th birthday anniversary had to adhere to the “correct political direction” and be integrated with the study and implementation of Xi Jinping Thought and the spirit of the 20th Party Congress.

Put another way, it is unlikely that the recent Deng propaganda was shaped by political turmoil in the CCP elite (be it over Xi’s “poor health” or “trouble” in Zhongnanhai) as some observers are claiming, but was carefully vetted and made consistent with Xi’s official line. We expanded on how the recent Deng propaganda is in line with Xi’s “historical resolution” and positioning of Deng in an earlier newsletter. Meanwhile, Deng’s slightly improved political positioning in Party propaganda appears to be an attempt by the Xi leadership to pave the way for boosting Xi Jinping’s “quan wei” by propping up Deng’s legacy.

3. The Xi leadership’s effort to repackage and reinterpret Deng Xiaoping’s political theories is a classic example of the CCP being flexible in its understanding of ideology as it strives to survive and dominate during a time of crisis.

Deng previously engaged in creative reinterpretation of ideology after seizing power from the Maoists after the Cultural Revolution because the regime had been pushed to the brink in adhering to the class struggle line and the planned economy. Under the guise of pursuing “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” Deng promoted “reform and opening up,” a limited market economy, and moderately relaxed social controls, which helped to stabilize China and restore some political legitimacy to the CCP. Now faced with potentially regime-ending crises and challenges, Xi Jinping is reinterpreting and repackaging Deng’s political theories to justify his intensification of Party control over Chinese society and the regime, including wrestling influence over the financial sector from the Party elite through “self-rectification” and reviving aspects of the planned economy (i.e. boosting state support for manufacturing over prioritizing domestic consumption).

We believe that Xi’s attempt to repurpose Deng may not achieve the desired effect. Foreign investors and governments who closely parse Xi’s speech lauding Deng could be spooked by Xi Jinping’s doubling down on socialism and political regression, instead of feeling reassurance in Xi’s seeming embrace of Deng’s “liberal” legacy. Also, a growing number of observers could be inclined to view Xi’s praise of Deng as a sign of political instability in the CCP elite as “anti-Xi” forces both inside and outside the regime step up efforts to “weaponize” negative political rumors about Xi against the Xi leadership.

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